Originally Published in The Dispatch Vol. 9, No. 2, Spring 2021. Read the rest of the issue here.

The property that would one day be known as Rippavilla was originally owned by Nathaniel Cheairs III, who was born in Maryland and was of French descent. He settled in Maury County in 1811, just a few years after the county itself was established. He and his wife Sarah built a home along Johnson’s Creek near McCutcheon’s Trace. Spring Hill was incorporated a few years earlier, and Columbia, which was soon to become one of the largest business hubs of the area, was not incorporated until 1817. When Nathaniel and Sarah first settled in the area, the Columbia Turnpike, which would play a significant role in the Battle of Spring Hill, did not exist. The home that Nathaniel Cheairs constructed stood through the Civil War, but unfortunately burned in 1878.

Nathaniel and Sarah Cheairs had nine children who survived into adulthood. Their first two sons, Benjamin and James, died when they were in their 30s, and are buried in the family cemetery at Rippavilla. Another son, Thomas, moved to Mississippi and died just before the Civil War. Their other three sons, Martin, John, and Nat, all became prominent citizens in Spring Hill and Maury County.

Nathaniel started a farm on the property, and it grew quickly. By 1840, there were 46 enslaved people living and working on the farm. In these early years, they grew cotton and corn and had a considerable number of livestock, hogs in particular. In fact, records indicate that there was a cotton gin on the property, which means they were not only growing cotton, but processing it as well.

In 1846 when he was 82 years old, Nathaniel died while visiting his son Thomas in Mississippi. In Nathaniel’s will, his property was divided among his surviving family members. The son who inherited the land on which the original house stood was the youngest son, named after his father and referred to simply as Nat.

When his father died, Nat was 27 years old. He had married Susan McKissack five years earlier, and they had two children, Janette (known as Jennie) and Thomas. In the next few years, they had two more kids, William and Sarah (known as Sally). Originally, Nat and Susan lived in a small home near where the big house is today. A portion of that original house remains standing and later was converted into a kitchen and connected to the big house.

Between 1852 and 1855, Nat built a large Greek Revival style home right next to the Columbia Turnpike, which by then was a major highway through Middle Tennessee. Originally, the farm was called Rippo Villa or Rippa Villa, but over time this was shortened into one word. By 1860, Nat owned just over 1,000 acres and had 75 slaves living in 15 slave structures. One of these buildings still stands on the property today. His land was valued at $110,000 and his personal estate was worth $125,000. By the time of the Civil War, Nat and Susan had one of the larger farms in the area and were extraordinarily wealthy. Compared to Carnton, Rippavilla is a bigger house, on more property, and had more enslaved individuals than were at the McGavock farm in 1860. During this time, the farm still primarily focused on corn and cotton.

In 1860, Nat Cheairs was 42 years old, and his children ranged in ages from 5 to 18. He was a well-known and well-respected member of the community.

Nat had to make several critical decisions in 1860 and 1861. The first decision would be for which presidential candidate he would vote. The issue that divided the candidates in 1860 was the institution of slavery and its expansion into the western territories. The Democratic Party split in half over this issue, with northern Democrats nominating Stephen Douglas and southern Democrats nominating John C. Breckinridge. A new party was formed called the Constitutional Union Party. They nominated a Tennessean named John Bell, promising to deal with the question of slavery by simply avoiding it entirely. Finally, the Republican Party, which was opposed to the expansion of slavery into new territories, selected Abraham Lincoln as their nominee. In most southern states, including Tennessee, Lincoln did not appear on the ballot.

While we do not know for sure who Nat voted for, we know Tennessee voted for John Bell, its native son. This is interesting because, while Tennessee was a slave state (and about a quarter of the state’s population was held in slavery), most of the voting population felt that preserving the Union was paramount. Tennessee had a long tradition of supporting men like Andrew Jackson and Andrew Johnson, who, despite their flaws, believed in the Union.

The secession crisis began in December of 1860 following the election of Abraham Lincoln. South Carolina was the first to vote for secession, declaring that the northern states had “denounced as sinful the institution of slavery,” and elected a president whose, “opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery.” Mississippi was the second state to leave, declaring that, “our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery, the greatest material interest in the world.”

Around this time, Tennessee’s governor, Isham Harris, called for the state’s General Assembly to consider secession. In fact, Harris had threatened BEFORE the election that the state should consider secession if the “reckless fanatic of the north” won control of the Federal government. Pro-secessionists and anti-secessionists in the state campaigned to persuade the public. On February 9, 1861, Tennessee held a state referendum asking if the General Assembly should meet to discuss secession. Just over half of the voting population rejected the idea. Interestingly, this included Nat Cheairs, who later recalled that he voted against secession the first time around, even though Maury County voted for it. (Williamson County voted against.)

Public sentiment changed in Tennessee after the first shots of the war were fired on Fort Sumter, in South Carolina. In response to the Confederate attack on the Federal fort, President Lincoln issued a call for 75,000 volunteers to enlist for three months to put down the rebellion. For some Tennesseans, Lincoln’s call for troops was a step too far. On June 8, 1861, Tennessee held a public referendum on secession, and this time the numbers flipped; 68% voted in favor of secession, including Nat Cheairs and the majority of Maury and Williamson Counties.

Nat later shared his thoughts on this issue. While he was originally against secession, he felt that he needed to take a stand with his people and participate in what he viewed as “a revolution.” This is a key point. Some argued at the time, and some argue still today, that secession was a Constitutionally protected right of the states. This is not the argument that Nat made. He was clear that he felt secession represented a full-scale revolution, like 1776. Nat knew full-well that if the southern slave states were going to have their independence from the Federal government, they were going to have to fight for it.

Finally, Nat had to decide if he would participate in the revolution. He voted against it, then voted for it, but now had to decide if he would put his life on the line. Some men in a similar position in life, like John McGavock of Carnton, chose not to enlist. Others, like Moscow Carter from the Carter House, enlisted right away.

In May of 1861, Nat enlisted and was commissioned as a Major in the 3rd Tennessee Infantry. He served under John C. Brown, who later commanded a division at Spring Hill and Franklin and eventually served as the Governor of Tennessee. In February of 1862, Nat’s regiment participated in the defense of Fort Donelson, as United States forces under Gen. Ulysses S. Grant pushed into Tennessee. This campaign resulted in Nashville falling to the Federal Army, and Middle Tennessee’s occupation by U.S. forces for the remainder of the war. Nat was captured at Fort Donelson and was imprisoned at Fort Warren in Boston. This prison was primarily for Confederate officers and other officials and was known for its humane treatment of prisoners and low mortality rate.

Moscow Carter and Nat Cheairs were imprisoned at Fort Warren at the same time, and both men were eventually released. Their paths, however, diverged at this point; Moscow chose to return home and spent the rest of the war with his family at the Carter House, Nat chose to serve with a Confederate cavalry regiment positioned around Spring Hill in 1863. He likely fought at Thompson’s Station in March of 1863 and the skirmish outside Franklin on April 10 that same year.

With Nashville under Federal control, and with the Emancipation Proclamation going into effect in January 1863, life in Tennessee was changing drastically. Although the Proclamation did not directly free enslaved people in Tennessee, it acted as an invitation for the enslaved to escape behind U.S. lines and offered black men the opportunity to fight in the U.S. military. In late Summer of 1863, three enslaved men escaped the Cheairs' farm and joined the USCT (United States Colored Troops). Their names were Joshua, Phillip, and Isaac. All three were mustered into the 12th USCT and were garrisoned in Nashville during the Tennessee Campaign. Jerry Cheers, barely a teenager at the time, was an enslaved person who Nat took to war as a body servant. Jerry stole Nat’s best horse, escaped, and joined the 111th USCT. By the end of the war there were 200,000 black men serving in the United States armed forces.

Nat was ordered to West Tennessee to collect beef cattle as part of his duties with the commissary department. He was captured in early 1864 and sent to Camp Chase outside Columbus, OH, where he remained until the end of the war.

The Battle of Spring Hill

The story of Rippavilla intersects with the story of the Battle of Spring Hill and the events that unfolded in late November 1864, as the Confederacy engaged in their last great offensive campaign. Confederate Gen. John Bell Hood led the Army of Tennessee into Middle Tennessee with the goal of reclaiming Nashville and potentially turning the tide of the war. As Hood led his men into the state, a U.S. Army Commanded by Gen. John M. Schofield was dispatched to slow his advance and buy time for Nashville to attain reinforcements. Schofield's task was to delay the Confederate forces for as long as possible.

For Hood to be successful, he needed to outflank the Federal Army that stood between him and Nashville. On the morning of November 29, while Federal forces were straddling the Duck River in Columbia, TN, Hood used a portion of his army, a corps commanded by Gen. Stephen D. Lee, to feign an assault from the south, while Hood and his remaining two Corps (plus one of Lee’s Divisions) crossed the river and attempted to cut off the U.S. forces in Spring Hill. The Confederate Cavalry Corps, commanded by Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest, would screen the Confederate advance, and ensure that the Federal Cavalry was effectively cut off from the rest of the army.

Overall, Hood’s plan worked brilliantly. As he approached Spring Hill from the east at the head of over 20,000 soldiers (using the Rally Hill Pike, today’s Kedron Road), Hood had every reason to believe that he had outwitted his opponent. That afternoon, he sent the first corps commanded by Gen. Benjamin F. Cheatham to push west toward the Columbia Pike south of Spring Hill and use his three divisions to cut off the road. This is where things began to take a turn.

Unbeknownst to Hood, early that morning, his adversary and former West Point classmate, Gen. Schofield, started to get nervous. Worried that the Confederates would attempt to outflank his army (which they had), Schofield sent one division, roughly 5,000 men commanded by Gen. George Wagner, north up the Columbia Pike, with orders to secure the village and ensure the route north was clear. Wagner arrived with his three brigades in the late morning with just enough time to set up a rough perimeter around the village.

Gen. Patrick Cleburne was the most experienced division commander in Gen. Cheatham’s Corps. As Cleburne advanced west toward the Pike, his division encountered surprise fire from a Federal Brigade in Wagner’s Division commanded by Gen. Luther Bradley. Cleburne’s Division turned to face Bradley’s Brigade, and a sharp fight ensued, resulting in hundreds of casualties. Although taken by surprise, Cleburne’s Division was able to turn and push Bradley’s Brigade back, severely wounding Gen. Bradley in the process. In turning to face Bradley, however, Cleburne’s Division never made it to the Pike.

Gen. William Bate, commanding the second of Cheatham’s three divisions, approached the Columbia Turnpike just south of Cleburne, driving back a Federal regiment in the process. As it so happened, while Bate’s men were nearing the Pike just north of Rippavilla, the lead elements of the Federal Army under Schofield were hastily moving up the road toward Spring Hill, and advance elements of Ruger’s Division of U.S. soldiers exchanged fire with some of Bate’s skirmishers. Inexplicably, Cheatham halted Bate's advance and ordered him to connect with Cleburne.

It seems at this point, Cheatham, realizing his men were encountering more resistance than expected, attempted to get all three of his divisions to work in unison. He ordered his third division, commanded Gen. John C. Brown, to connect to Cleburne’s right, just to the southeast of Spring Hill. Cheatham’s plans dissolved that night as darkness fell, leaving the Pike wide open.

While Cheatham’s Corps represented the Army of Tennessee’s best hope of blocking the road, there were other contingencies Gen. Hood had in effect that night. He sent Gen. A.P. Stewart’s Corps to block the road north of Spring Hill, but in the darkness and confusion they were unsuccessful. Johnson’s Division from Lee’s Corps was sent to connect with Cheatham and went into camp in the fields just north of Rippavilla, where they stopped so close to the road that they could see it. Finally, Hood asked his cavalry commander, Gen. Nathan B. Forrest, to block the road north of town. Forrest’s Cavalry had effectively separated the Federal Cavalry from the rest of the United States forces but were severely exhausted and depleted of ammunition in the process. Additionally, Forrest had failed to provide Hood critical intelligence of Schofield’s movements that day. Forrest left Hood’s headquarters at Oaklawn late that night promising to do what he could to take the Pike. This, too, failed.

As the night slipped away, Gen. Hood likely believed the road was blocked, whether south of town by Cheatham’s men, or north of town by Forrest. Further, it would be almost impossible to imagine that the Federal Army was moving en masse under cover of darkness right up the Columbia Turnpike. Marching an entire army in the dark across unknown terrain was almost unheard of in the Civil War, but this is exactly what was happening. As over 20,000 Confederate soldiers bivouacked in some locations as close as 200 yards off the road, the entirety of the Federal Army slipped right through Hood’s fingers.

When Hood woke up on the morning of November 30, 1864, he immediately realized that his plan went horribly wrong. Sometime around sunrise at 6:35am, he rode northwest from his headquarters at Oaklawn toward the Columbia Pike. One soldier wrote how the road was strewn with cast off supplies that the Federal Army was unable to carry. Hood may have never been able to grasp exactly how it happened, but by the time he arrived at Rippavilla, he fully understood the gravity of the situation. His well-orchestrated maneuvers had ended in failure.

That morning, he and Gen. Cheatham met at Rippavilla. It is unknown exactly what they discussed, or the overall tone of their conversation. One account, written four decades after the events transpired, mentioned that Hood was, “wrathy as a rattlesnake this morning, striking out at everybody.” This may well have been the case, as extreme emotions in this situation would have been understandable, but it is impossible to verify. For Hood and Cheatham, the Tennessee Campaign was their first true test in the positions they were holding at the time. When Hood was promoted to Army command in July of 1864, Cheatham was promoted to command Hood’s Corps. The Battle of Spring Hill and the events of the night of November 29 tested their ability to effectively command and communicate in less than ideal circumstances. And the results were disastrous.

Whatever these two men discussed in Rippavilla on the morning of November 30, the outcome was clear: Hood ordered his army to pursue the Federal forces. What happened in Spring Hill on November 29 led directly to the horrors of the Battle of Franklin the following afternoon. Men like Gen. Patrick Cleburne spent their last night on earth camped northeast of Rippavilla. As the story goes, the next day when Gen. Hood instructed Gen. Cleburne that his men were to be placed in the center of the Confederate assault in the Battle of Franklin, Cleburne responded, “General, I will take the works or fall in the attempt.”

The Tennessee Campaign ended in failure. Hood was unable to reclaim Nashville, and the Army of Tennessee was no longer an effective fighting force. When Gen. Robert E. Lee surrendered his forces in April of 1865, there was no coordinated Confederate Army that could keep the war going.

After the Civil War

Nat Cheairs returned home to Rippavilla in June 1865. The farm had been confiscated by the Freedmen’s Bureau. Nat wrote, “I arrived home the second day of June, 1865, and found my family in almost destitute condition and my plantation home taken possession of by one Glascock, the Marshal of the State, as abandoned property and rented to two thieves, one by the name of Northrup who had a company of about 30 thieves and robbers, the other by the name of Toller who was no better than Northrup.” To have his property restored to him, Nat swore his oath of allegiance to the United States and promised to uphold the emancipation of his slaves on June 17, 1865.

On September 23, 1865, Nat wrote a letter to President Johnson asking for amnesty for the restoration of his citizenship and property. He said in part, “Your petitioner Nathaniel F. Cheairs a citizen of Maury County Tennessee would respectfully represent to your Excellency that he was engaged in the Rebellion against the United States. He was sincere and ardent in his devotion to what he believed to be the interest of the South. Your petitioner is now Satisfied that he was in great error in trying to destroy the Government. He has returned to his home in Tennessee with the full determination to Sustain the Government of the United States with all the Sincerity and devotion of the most Loyal Citizen.” On September 30, he received a presidential pardon, and his property was restored to him.

After the war, life at Rippavilla changed dramatically. Nat quickly moved away from cotton production and focused more on wheat and livestock. By the end of the 19th century, a community of freedmen was living and working on the property. The fifteen buildings that were formerly used as slave structures were the centerpiece of what became known as the Cheairs Quarters. Sam Bond, a man who was formerly enslaved elsewhere, was hired as the farm manager in the late 1880s, and he lived and worked on the farm for over twenty years. Jerry Cheers, the enslaved man who escaped after Nat took him to war as a body servant, was, by 1920, farming his own property in Murfreesboro, TN.

Susan Cheairs died on June 15, 1893. Nat sold the house to his son William barely a year later. By the year 1900, Nat and his widowed daughter Jennie were living in Western Maury County. Jennie then moved to Waco, Texas, and it was on January 2, 1914, while visiting Jennie, that Nat Cheairs died. He was 95 years old at the time. His body was brought back home by his son-in-law, J.M. Moore, and he was buried next to Susan at Rose Hill Cemetery in Columbia, TN.